Fault Lines in Largest Democracy
To understand Indian Democracy, one needs to assess the Indian
Democratic Capacity. At the very basic level of assessment; there are three
visible actors in the system -
- Citizens (Aam Aadmi),
- Representatives of the citizens (Netas) and
- Conscience Keepers (Activists, Press and Civil Society).
The extent of democratisation of India can be measured as the extent of involvement
and commitment of these actors in the deliberations that lead to national decisions.
The question to ask therefore is, whether
these actors have the (a) Rights (b) Ability and (c) Opportunity, to participate
in deliberations about the content of the national decision. It does not need
any rigorous research to observe that
- Citizens (aam aadmi) lack the ability and opportunity, they indulge in misplaced adventurism (recent ‘Patidaar’ ‘Padmavati’ and ‘Dalit’ agitations) and their entrepreneurship has gone wild rather than becoming more civilised
- Representatives of the citizens (Netas) – have rights, ability and opportunity but lack the political will to rise above mean self interest, and
- Conscience Keepers (Activists, Press and Civil Society) – have the ability and opportunity but are driven by personal or borrowed agendas that are sponsored in cash and/or kind.
India has all the
institutions of democracy but these institutions are turning into a formal
shell. The vibrancy and energy of a democracy and the drive to see India
achieve global recognition and success has unfortunately slipped away from the
democratic arena and has instead moved into the hands of a small circle of a
politico-economic elite. Unabated surfacing of scams and scandals involving
public resources is proof enough. The public opinion and political opinion is
being shaped by such elite and not through any public discourse. The
politico-economic elite have been relentless in undermining the legislative and
executive institutions beginning with the imposition of ‘Emergency’ in 1975.
The last remaining bastion of an institution in the form of Judiciary, the
Supreme Court of India has been attacked through an impeachment motion against
the Chief Justice of India. Basically therefore, the biggest democracy in the
world, the Indian democracy has a weak democratisation.
The palpable
corollary is – Why is the State of Affairs so?
People that had
gotten together around a common goal of getting India free from the British rule
were left with no common goal to pursue after India became independent in 1947.
With the threat and menace of external or foreign enemy gone, people were left
to fend for themselves for their survival and growth. Self-interest dominated
their psyche and their actions started getting selfish. The pyramid of priority
of interests got inverted. The top-priority now was self-interest, followed by
interest of caste, community, religion, class (labour, farmer).
National-interest, which was at the peak before independence, tumbled down to
the bottom. This is not to say that people have become less national or have turned
anti-national.
But nationalism
is an amorphous concept for my fellow citizens. Indians can exhibit it as a
flag waving and loud sloganeering at international sporting arenas. Any time
there is a perception of any threat or war like situation; Indians begin to
exhibit national solidarity. In everyday life, without winking an eye, they defy
civic rules and law and grab public goods and facilities (illicit parking on roads,
wrong-side driving, littering, honking, queue-jumping, and so on are an
everyday phenomenon) selfishly. In so doing, they have no concern for my fellow
citizens and they have no remorse or guilt feeling of encroaching upon the
rights of others. They do so with impunity, and nearly as a matter of
entitlement. When they are caught breaking the law by the authorities, they try
everything from name-dropping to begging for forgiveness and from denial to
bribing their way through. Personal comfort and benefits are pursued
relentlessly using all legitimate and illegitimate methods. Growth and good of the
nation as a goal is no binding glue and people find no common ground for them
as a group to get united.
The positions of
the political parties have become very much alike. This means that there is not
much to choose from for me as a voter. The effect is that political campaigns
are looking more like advertising to make the differences look bigger. The
private lives of the politicians have become an important issue in elections
and we shy away from discussing "sensitive" issues. The elections are
becoming anti-democratic because their outcomes are now in the hands of a small
number of floating voters who are targeted with a narrow agenda. I usually end
up with a feeling that my ‘priceless’ vote is actually quite worthless.
There are large
shared interests between politics and business. Through lobbying and PR firms,
multinational corporations are able to bring about legislation more effectively
than the citizens. Business houses and the Indian government are in close
relation because state need business. As modern businesses have almost no
difficulty in moving to other countries, labour laws have become employee-unfriendly
and tax bites have moved from companies to individuals. It has become more
common for politicians and businessmen to switch and swap jobs.
With globalisation
over the last 25 years, it is almost impossible for India to work out its own
economic policy. While the other developed countries participate in large trade
agreements and supranational unions (e.g., the European Union) to frame their
policy, this level of politics is very hard to control with democratic
instruments. Globalisation additionally endows transnational corporations with
more political leverage given their ability to avoid regulation and they directly
affect India’s economy.
India is getting
caught into the neoliberal idea of new public management of privatising public
services. PPP model for funding public assets and public services is the new
mantra. Privatised institutions are difficult to control by democratic means
and have no allegiance to human communities, unlike government. The basic
public goods – public spaces, public-conveniences, public-sanitation, public-transport,
public-healthcare, public-education, all are moving into the hands of private
firms which have the flexibility to bend to the market. These “phantom firms” have
incentive to make individual profit rather than better the welfare of the
public.
Is there no solution
to such problems? Well, there is.
Right values,
particularly to the very young citizens, should be imparted. Values are
imparted by the parents/family, neighbourhoods, schools and the places of
worship. Over the years, all these sources of values have themselves withered
away.
The ‘chalta hai’ (anything
goes) approach has to be nipped. The ‘jugaad’ (a hack or a solution that bends
the rules and is work-around to a law) in the name of survival must be
differentiated from the ‘jugaad’ (an innovative fix or a simple and creative work-around
to a problem). The former must be shunned and the latter rewarded.
The costs in
breaking the rules are too small and the gains from such actions are quite
high. This must be corrected. Discipline and law-abiding behaviour must fetch
rewards and the opposite behaviour must be made very expensive.
The deterioration
of standards in public life has occurred over a long period of time and the
solutions will take time to deliver. Representatives of the citizens and the
conscience keepers have to commit themselves to such social transformation and
lead the change.
People have come to expect spaces to
present their concerns and ideas. Citizens’ lack of confidence and distance
from institutions and their distrust in the ability of those that should meet
their needs cannot be ignored. To restore trust we need to recreate governance
from the ground up, and put citizens (back) at the heart of institutions.
Until then, I will
keep wondering about the irony of being the citizen of a ‘thriving democracy’
wherein the already so weak and fragile ‘democratisation is fading.’
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Labels: General, National Policy, Politics, Public Discourse
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