Who am I - an Indian-Hindu or a Hindu-Indian?
The word secular implies three things: freedom of religion,
equal citizenship to each citizen regardless of his or her religion, and the
separation of religion and state. One of the core principles in the
constitution of Western democracies has been this separation, with the state
asserting its political authority in matters of law, while accepting every
individual’s right to pursue his or her own religion and the right of religion
to shape its own concepts of spirituality. In the West, everyone is equal under
law, and subject to the same laws irrespective of his or her religion.
In contrast, in India, the word secular does not imply separation
of religion and state. Religion in India continues to assert its political
authority in matters of personal law. The applicable personal law differ if an
individual’s religion is Christianity, or Hindu. Indian concept of secularism,
where religious laws supersede state laws and the state is expected to evenhandedly involve itself in religion, is a controversial subject.
Indian religions are known to have co-existed and evolved
together for many centuries before the arrival of Islam in the 12th century,
followed by Mughal and colonial era. Ashoka about 2200 years ago and Harsha
about 1400 years ago accepted and patronised different religions. The people in
ancient South Asia had freedom of religion, and the state granted citizenship
to each individual regardless of whether someone’s religion was Hinduism,
Buddhism, Jainism or any other. Ellora cave temples built next to each other
between 5th and 10th centuries, for example, shows a coexistence of religions
and a spirit of acceptance of different faiths.
This approach to interfaith relations changed with the
arrival of Islam and establishment of Delhi Sultanate in North India by the
12th century, followed by Deccan Sultanate in Central India. The political
doctrines of Islam, as well as its religious views were at odds with doctrines
of Hinduism, Buddhism and other Indian religions. New temples and monasteries
were not allowed. As with Levant, Southeast Europe and Spain, Islamic rulers in
India treated Hindus as 'dhimmis' in exchange of annual payment of 'jizya' taxes,
in a sharia-based state jurisprudence. With the arrival of Mughal era, Sharia
was imposed with continued zeal, with Akbar - the Mughal Emperor - as the first
significant exception. However, the descendants of Akbar, particularly
Aurangzeb, reverted to treating Islam as the primary state religion,
destruction of temples, and reimposed religion-based discriminatory 'jizya'
taxes.
After Aurangzeb, India came into control of East India
Company and the British Raj. By the mid-19th century, the British Raj
administered India, in matters related to marriage, inheritance of property and
divorces, according to personal laws based on each Indian subject’s religion,
according to interpretations of respective religious documents by Islamic
jurists, Hindu pundits and other religious scholars. In 1864, the Raj
eliminated all religious jurists, pandits and scholars because the interpretations
of the same verse or religious document varied, the scholars and jurists
disagreed with each other and the process of justice had become inconsistent
and suspiciously corrupt. The late 19th century marked the arrival of
Anglo-Hindu and Anglo-Muslim personal laws, where the governance did not
separate the state and religion, but continued to differentiate and administer
people based on their personal religion. The British Raj provided the Indian
Christians, Indian Zoroastrians and others with their own personal laws, such
as the Indian Succession Act of 1850, Special Marriage Act of 1872 and other
laws that were similar to Common Laws in Europe.
In the first half of 20th century, the British Raj faced
increasing amounts of social activism for self-rule by disparate groups such as
those led by Hindu Gandhi and Muslim Jinnah; the colonial administration, under
pressure, enacted a number of laws before India’s independence in 1947, which
continue to be the laws of India in 2018. One such law enacted during the
colonial era was the 1937 Indian Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act,
which instead of separating state and religion for Western secularism, did the
reverse.
It, along with additional laws such as Dissolution of Muslim
Marriages Act of 1939 that followed, established the principle that religious
laws of Indian Muslims can be their personal laws. It also set the precedent
that religious law, such as sharia, can overlap and supersede common and civil
laws, that elected legislators may not revise or enact laws that supersede
religious laws, that people of one nation need not live under the same laws,
and that law enforcement process for different individuals shall depend on
their religion. The Indian Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act of
1937 continues to be the law of land of modern India for Indian Muslims, while
parliament-based, non-religious uniform civil code passed in mid-1950s applies
to Indians who are Hindus (which includes Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, Parsees), as
well as to Indian Christians and Jews.
Supporters of the Indian concept of secularism claim it
respects a Muslim person's religious rights and recognises that they are
culturally different from Indians of other religions. Supporters of this form
of secularism claim that any attempt to introduce a uniform civil code, that is
equal laws for every citizen irrespective of his or her religion, would impose
Hindu sensibilities and ideals, something that is unacceptable to Muslim
Indians. Any attempts and demand by Indian Hindus to a uniform civil code is
considered a threat to their right to religious personal laws by Indian Muslims.
Opponents argue that India's acceptance of Sharia and
religious laws violates the principle of equal human rights, discriminates
against Muslim women, allows unelected religious personalities to interpret
religious laws, and creates plurality of unequal citizenship; they suggest
India should move towards separating religion and state. These differences have
led a number of scholars to declare that India is not a secular state, as the
word secularism is widely understood in the West and elsewhere; rather it is a
strategy for political goals in a nation with a complex history, and one that
achieves the opposite of its stated intentions.
Author Taslima Nasreen sees Indian secularists as pseudo
secularist, accusing them of being biased towards Muslims saying, "Most
secular people are pro-Muslims and anti-Hindu. They protest against the acts of
Hindu fundamentalists and defend the heinous acts of Muslim
fundamentalists". She also said that most Indian politicians appease
Muslims which leads to anger among Hindus.
Writing in the Wall Street Journal, Sadanand Dhume
criticises Indian "Secularism" as a fraud and a failure, since it
isn't really "secularism" as it is understood in the western world
(as separation of religion and state) but more along the lines of religious
appeasement. He writes that the flawed understanding of secularism among
India's left wing intelligentsia has led Indian politicians to pander to
religious leaders and preachers, and has led India to take a soft stand against
Islamic terrorism, religious militancy and communal disharmony in general.
Does India have some Muslims who are Indians or does India
have some Indians who are Muslims? Interestingly the weight of this ‘some’ is nearly
10% of all the Muslims in the world and about 15% of the total Indians in the
world.
Secularism is a divisive and a politically charged topic in
India. Indian secularism is an idea that I fail to comprehend, in spite of my
sustained efforts. A question about my own identity intrigues me – who am I -
an INDIAN-HINDU or a HINDU-INDIAN?
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Labels: National Policy, Social
1 Comments:
I AM AN INDIAN and I AM A HINDU
Social media has given us new Pop culture of philosophers, pundits, activists, vigilantes, fighters, altruists and propagandists, all claiming to be the guardians of Hindu, Hindutva and Hinduism. Hinduism as a religion or a way of life has survived and grown through faith and belief of people. No religion, faith or state could harm it. Hinduism has never aligned with the state – a direction that may be presented as outwardly strong but devoid of any Hindutva on the inside. Only Hindus can destroy Hinduism and if it is destroyed in India, it has no hope.
The constitutional and institutional structure of the state has been abused through minority-appeasement, shrouding it as inclusionary secularism, by the political class for selfish gains. This is resulting in the majority feeling alienated and discriminated against. Politicians have relied upon swinging the minority votes because the majority has equally favoured all political parties in true plurality. Majority can withdraw its extended arms for brotherly embrace towards the minorities if the support of the state to the minorities alienates the majority. Majority can also get polarised against appeasement politics that the political class seems to be learning. Hindus need to continue embracing minorities and together with them, oppose the politics of misguided minority-appeasement.
The discourse about Hindu, Hindutva and Hinduism needs to centre on being a source of creativity and imagination for the literature, music, dance and the arts of the future rather than nostalgia and glorification of the past.
My identity is INDIAN and my spirituality is HINDU.
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