Every war has two visible and direct costs – lives lost and
money spent. There are several indirect and collateral costs some of which are
to be incurred and amortised over long periods of time.
Lives could be of civilians or soldiers. Lives could be lost
at the boarders or inside the country. Money spent could be in terms of running
costs of operations, depletion and loss of military and civilian assets and
infrastructures, replacement costs, disbursal of immediate and long-term
compensation and so on. Indirect and collateral costs are immediate or deferred
over short, medium or long-term and may include loss of opportunity,
productivity, rehabilitation, renewal and reinforcements, diplomatic costs paid
by the country, political costs paid by ruling parties, social and
psychological costs paid by citizens and so on.
Relations between India and Pakistan have been defined by the
violent partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir conflict and the
numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, their
relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion. According to a 2017
BBC World Service poll, only 5% of Indians view Pakistan's influence
positively, with 85% expressing a negative view, while 11% of Pakistanis view
India's influence positively, with 62% expressing a negative view.
Pakistan is at War with India since 1947 whose scale and
scope has been swinging like a pendulum between extremes of hostility and
bonhomie. Pakistan recognises the odds against them. They don’t expect to
defeat India in a full scale war. The Pak doctrine of a thousand cuts must be
seen in the light of the available alternatives before it since its defeat and
dismemberment in 1971 which was the biggest national economic suffocation and humiliation
suffered by Pakistan at the hands of India.
The doctrine of a thousand cuts emerged out of Pakistan’s
drive for national glory and economic security via the conquest of the support
of the Islamic world, China, the US and the belief of Pakistan’s rulers that they
could check India’s bid for a regional dominance via foreign aid and military
deployments. As Pakistanis sought to free themselves from their diplomatic
dependence on the United States, the Americans sought to use that dependence to
contain imperial ambitions of Russia, China and the Islamic countries in the
region.
Given the size of economy, India is able to afford the
monetary costs of the ongoing war with Pakistan but it is unaffordable for
Pakistan. The cost of lives is where the actual Paki-game is being played. Loss
of lives away from the civilian areas does not result into as much of
collateral costs of political opinion, public opinion, social and psychological
costs as against the costs which the loss of lives amidst civilian milieu
result into. Thus, simply put, Pak tries to generate a spectre of loss of lives
in non-military zones which cannot be created by Pakistani men in uniform.
Pakistan has therefore created specialised regular combat troops to execute
such battles and similes who do not wear a regular uniform. Some of these operations
are at best projected to have been out-sourced or franchised. India mistakenly
calls them terrorists.
A dispassionate look at the events of the last few days would
establish the point. India attacked the so called terrorist-training
establishment but Pak Military retaliated. If terrorists were free agents,
there was no reason for Pak to retaliate using regular military assets.
The retaliatory action of Pakistan is actually an act of
unprovoked aggression on Indian military establishment and a war on India. This
was immediate. In such immediate reaction, the assumption was that time was
working against Pakistan - i.e., the longer Pakistan waited to retaliate
against India, the dimmer its prospects for success. This assumption was grimly
realistic.
Pakistan had little chance of preventing further strikes from
India and India’s great military superiority would eventually bury Pakistan. The
global diplomatic opinion developing in favour of India drove the Pakistanis
into the logic of preventive attack: given inevitability of more strikes by
India and Pakistan’s feeble military power relative to India’s, Pakistani
leaders reasoned, better attack now than later. If Pakistan had any chance of
fighting a military battle with India to some kind of successful conclusion, it
had to bring military operations to a head as soon as possible. Short-war
Pakistan was going to pick a fight with a long-war India.
India has not yet reacted to the Pakistani military
aggression and invasion. Wing Commander Abhinandan has been returned as a
POW. By swiftly seizing the opportunity
to retaliate to Indian air-strikes, Pakistan has forced India into a murderous,
location-by-location slog that could eventually exhaust India’s political will
to fight on to total victory.
Pakistan has tried to raise the blood and treasure costs of
the war beyond India’s willingness to pay. The Pak theory of victory amounts to
the hope that India would judge the cost of defeating Pakistan to be too heavy,
too disproportionate to the worth of the interests at stake.
How India deals with these developments will shape the future
of Indo-Pak war for a long time. India needs to craft her strategy very quickly,
circumspectly and brilliantly.
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