After
the Pulwama attack on 14 February, we in India have been attempting to deal
with Pakistan’s use of terror as an instrument in its India-directed policy via
few quick actions:
(1) One preventive air-strike on one terror
infrastructure of Jaish-e-Mohammad in Pakistan; with threats for more similar
action;
(2) Increasing Engagement and exchange of
information with other countries to get their positive reception for India’s
concerns and encourage them to exert diplomatic pressure on the Pakistani
regime;
(3) Withdrawing of the erstwhile MFN status and
imposing 200 percent tariffs on imports and goods originating from Pakistan;
(4) Announcing India’s intent of withdrawing from
a water-distribution treaty signed on September 19, 1960 between India and
Pakistan called The Indus Water Treaty;
and
(5) Getting Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar designated
as a global terrorist under the 1267 Al Qaeda Sanctions Committee of the UN
Security Council (UNSC).
It
appears that the Pakistan regimes – elected and the “deep state” – have not
been impressed. Their air force attacked us within 30 hours after the
air-strikes albeit without causing any valuable damage. Despite India embarking
on a non-military deterrent policy, no credible change in the behaviour of
Pakistan is seen. On the contrary, in a game of one-up-man-ship, India stands
violated by an air-attack from Pakistan which was repulsed but not retaliated
to by India. Possibly, India has been put under international diplomatic
pressure to avoid any retaliation. The world is supposedly telling us that
India and Pakistan are just on "... a very, very delicate balance."
But is there really a "delicate balance?"
Indian
politicians have thought they should always signal good-will gestures and
release their POWs and terrorists. The civil society has been able to influence
the government to adopt parallel track two diplomacy of people-to-people
contact. The Indian activists have hammered and slammed the Indian army for
human rights concerns in Kashmir so much that India while negotiating on
various matters with Pakistan is unable to talk about appalling human rights in
Pakistan occupied Kashmir and North West Pakistan.
Except
for preventing a formal war since 1971, Indian policy towards Pakistan has been
an abysmal failure. This policy has not prevented the 1999 Kargil. A destitute
state has held one of the biggest democratic nation with a powerful economic, military
and technological base, at bay, while getting away with, among other things,
terror attacks at regular intervals all over India, causing embarrassment by
repeatedly raising Kashmir at multilateral fora, acquiring nuclear bombs and
missiles directed against India, running drugs and counterfeit Indian currency
networks, supporting separatists in Kashmir, enabling infiltration and
smuggling across borders, and so on. Given the imbalance in power, something is
clearly wrong with India's policy towards Pakistan. It is time for a different
approach.
Let
us be willing to consider the possibility that the deterrence employed by India
does not seem to deter Pakistan so far. So where do we go from here?
The
next move should be to see that Pakistan is hit hard on human rights. The best
way to get what we want from Pakistan, whether it is renouncing terror as
policy or anything else, is to reverse decades of Indian thinking and raise the
issue of human rights loudly and incessantly. The same is true with regard to
Pakistan's guardian and ally in the UNSC, the People's Republic of China.
Pakistan
Army and the ISI know how inhumane and autocratic their “deep state” rule has
been – and if we do not talk forcefully about POK, Baluchistan and NWFP, these
masters of Pak games will think we are afraid of the possibility of Pakistan echoing
and amplifying the voices of a few purposively-funded, pseudo-activists of
India about human rights in Kashmir and elsewhere.
Many
politicians and policy activists argue for the old approach, that we must build
friendly relations. They advocate using people-to-people connect for getting
the support of Pakistani people for mobilising public opinion against the
regime. Unfortunately, there is more than five decades of history to show that Pakistani
regime is impervious to such friendly overtures and the Pakistani people afraid
of the regime.
The
deep state actors in Pakistan have run a militant state and do not respond in
the same ways as leaders of democratic societies. Because democracies are
inherently legitimate, their presidents and prime ministers often fail to
realize the vulnerability resulting from the illegitimacy, and insecurity of
despots such as the ISI.
In
the illegitimacy and insecurity of the “deep state” has to become India’s power.
Perhaps the worst aspect of not
addressing the human rights concerns in Pakistan is that it feeds into the untruths
of the regime to justify its nuclear weapons programme, missiles programme and
defence expenditure. The regime justifies diverting resources from its citizens
to fund these programmes with the lie that India is their enemy and wants to
destroy them.
The
way to get what we want from Pakistan is to expose that lie and thereby
separate the military regime from the elected regime, its officials and
supporters, which is extremely weak. When we do not talk about our vision for a
better future for Pakistani people, we inadvertently bolster regimes
propaganda.
We
cannot be polite or friendly with Pakistan regime. It is time to let Pakistan
regime know that India no longer cares about how Pakistan feels or even about
maintaining a friendly relationship with Pakistani people. That posture, a
radical departure from past Indian thinking, is both more consistent with
Indian objectives and a step toward a policy that Pakistan will respect.
__________________
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