As we enter
the third decade of the 21st century, India is swarming with
millions of educated, relatively well-to-do men and women who devotedly
participate in global networks of science and technology. The Indian economy is
betting its fortunes, at least in part, on advanced research in biotechnology
and service industry, whose very existence is verification for a thoroughly
materialistic world. And yet, a vast majority of these middle-class
beneficiaries of modern science and technology continue to believe in
supernatural powers supposedly embodied in idols, divine men and women, stars
and planets, rivers, trees, and sacred animals. By all indications, they treat
supernatural beings and powers with utmost earnestness and reverence and go to
great lengths to please them in the hope of achieving their desires. Indians
and not just the Hindus are showing signs of growing religiosity.
The new
religiosity of middle-class Indians is openly ritualistic, ostentatious, and
nationalistic. Unlike the previous generations that grew up on a mixture of
exhortations for cultivating scientific thinking and the neo-Vedantic
preference for a more cerebral, philosophical Hinduism, the new Hindu elite and
middle classes revel in ritualism, idol worship, fasts, pilgrimages, and other
routines of popular, theistic Hinduism, sometimes mixed with new age
spirituality. It is not that these more ritualistic expressions of popular
Hinduism were entirely absent from the cultural milieu of the educated, middle
to upper classes of the generations that came of age in the earlier, more
‘socialist’ and secular era. What has changed is that the ritualistic aspects
have moved from the privacy of the home and family, to the public sphere, the
domain of pride and prejudice, politics, and profits. What has also changed is
that the educated elite don’t feel that they have to defend their practices and
beliefs against secularist finger-wagging. There is a new, unapologetic, and
open embrace of religiosity in India today which wasn’t there in, say, the
first half of our seventy years as a republic.
Why is it
so? There are no answers. Yet, there are educated guesses and expert opinions
which seem to point towards the “secularism” the way it has been practised by
the governments during the last four-five decades. While the Indian debate over
secularism has been firmly stuck between the Gandhian pole of “sarva dharma samabhav” (equal respect for all religions) and the
Nehruvian pole of “dharma nirpekshta” (equal indifference to all religions);
the Indian Constitution is based entirely on a secular morality pertaining to this life, with no reference to religious conceptions like karma
and dharma. Indian
secularism offers its own peculiar twist to the idea of secularism: it does not
erect a wall of separation between religion and the state. What makes the
Indian state secular, instead, is its commitment to religious neutrality, which
is, not having an official religion of the state and treating all religions
with equal respect. The Indian Constitution, moreover, is completely ‘nastik’
(atheist).
BUT, is
India truly secular? The Constitution’s promise of equal citizenship regardless
of caste, creed, class, or gender meant a clean sweep of Hindu laws, taboos,
and customs that had regulated socio-economic relationships for centuries. But,
the same constitution did not provide equal citizenship for citizens of
different religions. For instance, under section 494 of the Indian Penal Code,
bigamy is an offence and a person, who contracts a second marriage while the
first marriage is subsisting, is guilty of the offence. But this provision is
in applicable to those people who can have more than one wife as per their
religion. The very fact that operation of a penal provision is not alike among
all people and that it is dependent on one’s religious faith tantamount to
making a mockery of the very concept of secularism. Similarly, the enactment of
the Muslim women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 with a view to
circumvent the decision of the apex court in the ‘Shah Bano case’ and to treat
the divorced Muslim women differently from their counterparts in other
religious faiths cannot be termed as secular. To deny rights to Muslim women
which are available to the women of other faiths is a violation of the
provisions of the constitution that the state shall not discriminate against
any citizens as grounds of religion. Although Article 15 of the constitution
prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, even today the rights and
liabilities of people relating to maintenance, inheritance etc. differ
according to their religion. This casts a shadow on our claim of being a truly
secular nation.
Then there is this law enacted by different states
which goes by the name of Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment Act. While
the purported inspiration is better administration of temples, the real
motivation is to fill state coffers with ‘easy’ temple ‘money’. Fraud in a few
temples does not make a case for takeover of all temples across the country by
the government, and most importantly, no other religious community in India
have to bear the brunt of such Acts to control their religious institutions. Do
the state governments in India believe that Hindus have poorer & lower
standards of ethics and values than Indians of other religious denominations?
Or is it that in a ‘secular’ India religious minorities are unassailable while
Hindu institutions (and the donation money they attract) are considered easier
to be meddled with?
The conduct
of the politicians in power and thus the government has however not been as
secular as it was expected to be. Religious identities (taqiyah - skullcap) got
politicized and religious rituals (roja-iftar – breaking of the Ramadan fast) became
as much a part of political mobilisations as they were of weddings and
funerals. Indian governance propagated the saga of minority appeasement, even
if it came at the cost of majority, as secular; but, even a talk about any
concern for the majority was tinted as communal.
Believers
can be secularists. Believers may not be sceptics. But believers polarised by
their government can be divisive and separatists. Appeasement has created a
sense of entitlement among the minority and they started a public display of
demand for such entitlements through hitherto unknown examples of conducting
Friday Namaz in public places including roads and highways. Democratising the
principles of ‘Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity’, without simultaneously secularising education, has led to the
creation of a less secular civil society. Such actions by the government and the minorities appear to
have not only polarised the people but have outraged many from amongst the
majority who have now chosen to put up a bigger and grandeur display of their
religiosity.
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